Showing posts with label iraq war. Show all posts
Showing posts with label iraq war. Show all posts

Friday, December 29, 2017

Who 'war' it better?: Why it's bogus to tweet about military prowess, especially with these numbers

President Trump recently distributed the following information, presenting it as a personal accomplishment that proves he is more competent or effective than his predecessor, President Obama. Here's why it is a mistake to use this information to make a point about who is more effective than whom.

Screenshot taken from the Washington Examiner the morning of Dec. 29, 2017. The article was dated Dec. 23. A factual error in the information circulated widely online before the media outlet corrected it.

  1. Seemingly forgetting that the war against ISIS is about an international coalition defeating a common enemy, Trump self-promotes an argument that he is a better commander-in-chief than his predecessor. This is problematic on several levels. The war is about the freedom and safety of the people of Syria and Iraq; it should not be presented as a pissing content between Trump and Obama. It is morally repugnant to do so and, in its blatancy, it undermines U.S. credibility as a leader in international security. Also, credit for any successes needs to be shared with the dozens of countries who have served as coalition partners.
  2. War is not a "who wore it better" contest.

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  3. The numbers show that about the same area of land was liberated from ISIS during the first 11 months of the Trump administration as during the final 28 months of the Obama administration. Trump seems to want us to infer that his military campaign got the same results twice as fast. He is treating these numbers as a businessman looks at a balance sheet. This is a misunderstanding of how military campaigns work. Square miles are not dollars; they are not identical and interchangeable. Terrain, for example, plays a role in how difficult it is to conquer land. So does the civilian population you have to work around. And, of course, the level of resistance from enemy fighters is crucial. The chart reflects the U.S. Defense Department's assessment that Trump only had to contend with 35,000 ISIS fighters when he took office; it does not reflect how many fighters Obama's administration had to deal with at the outset nor how many additional fighters entered the fray during those years. The numbers indicate that the military sped up the rate at which it conquered land, but one possible explanation is that conquering land became easier.
  4. Similarly, if half the number of bombs are required to capture the same amount of land, that suggests that the nature of the combat has changed. Bombs suggest an air war; ground combat may use fewer bombs. Indeed bombs are expensive for the country that drops them and they are destructive of lives and property on the ground, yet they may also be cheaper and less destructive than alternative weapons. Therefore, the military has its reasons for using or not using them. The way this information is presented, it appears at first glance that the international coalition used half the violence to conquer the same amount of land. This is not necessarily true. They used half the amount of one kind of violence. Other types of weapons and tactics are missing from the chart. Furthermore, the decision about whether to use bombs is not always up to the U.S. president. Most, but not all, bombs in this conflict have come at U.S. direction and expense. The second-most prolific bomber is Britain's RAF.
  5. The numbers show that twice the number of people were liberated from ISIS under Trump as under Obama. That only means that the land taken from ISIS in 2017 was twice as densely populated as the land taken in 2014-2016. It probably reflects the 2017 victory in the Iraqi city of Mosul, a city whose population has been estimated between one and two million.
  6. In listing the number of U.S. deaths, remaining ISIS fighters, and "people freed," an important category is missing: Iraqi and Syrian civilian deaths. Inevitably, in any war, some innocent people intended to be freed are killed in the conflict. In Iraq alone, where documentation of civilian deaths is spottier than in Syria, the U.S.-led coalition confirmed its responsibility for 971 civilian deaths in 51 incidents during the Obama administration (the end of 2014 through 2016) and 1,119 civilian deaths in 56 incidents in the beginning of the Trump administration. Iraq also has a number of civilian casualties for which responsibility is “contested”: 63 incidents under Obama and 213 incidents under Trump. (Source: Airwars) This gives a more complete picture of the human cost of war. Reducing the number of ISIS fighters in a territory with millions of inhabitants does not come without a price, and the president ought not to seem glib about it by erasing those casualties from the record as he claims to be a better commander-in-chief than his predecessor.
  7. Charlie Kirk tweeted this information from the Washington Examiner on Dec. 27 at 3:14 p.m. and it was immediately retweeted by the president. In the original version of the information that was tweeted and retweeted, the arithmetic has an obvious error. If only 17,500 square miles were “held by ISIS” at the end of Obama’s administration, Trump could not have caused 26,000 square miles to be “liberated from ISIS” (unless he had lost ground to ISIS and then had to reclaim it). Accordingly, the Washington Examiner acknowledged their own mathematical error and corrected their article with an erratum. The president followed up at 6:09 p.m. with a tweet of a visual meme with a corrected number and a text caption that made his point without explicitly referencing the number in question. He did not acknowledge that he was correcting an error, but you can see the error for yourself since, as of Dec. 29, neither Charlie Kirk nor the President had deleted their original tweet with the wrong information. (Screenshots below were taken from the president's Twitter page the morning of Dec. 29. Red arrows are superimposed to highlight the error and subsequent correction.)

I do not argue that the President should waste a single hour of his time figuring this out. Instead I argue that he should not waste untold hours of everyone else's fact-checking time by tweeting things that either he does not understand or that he does understand and about which is happy to mislead everyone else.




Update: News broke on 14 February 2019 that President Trump would declare a national emergency to get funding for a border wall with Mexico on the grounds that terrorists are crossing the border. This is not true.

"In the United States since the 9/11 attacks, 455 jihadist terrorists have been charged or convicted or died before they faced trial. Not one of these terrorists crossed the southern border....And anyway, the vast majority of terrorists don't enter the United States at the southern border or anywhere else, because they are already in the country. Of the 455 jihadist terrorism cases since 9/11, 84% involved US citizens or permanent residents, and every lethal terrorist attack in the United States since 9/11 was carried out by a US citizen or legal resident....And there isn't a case since 9/11 of a terrorist being arrested at the border, according to New America's research." (Peter Bergen, CNN, 14 February 2019)
Furthermore, "the United States has seen a steep decline in the number of jihadist terrorism cases over the past four years," Bergen says, since "the geographical caliphate [of ISIS] is almost entirely gone and ISIS recruitment has slowed to a trickle."

And on 17 February 2019, CNN reported that over a thousand well-funded ISIS fighters had simply relocated to Iraq: "More than 1,000 ISIS fighters have likely fled from Syria into the mountains and deserts of western Iraq in the past six months, and they may have up to $200 million in cash with them, according to a US military official familiar with situation."




On October 14, 2019, David Rothkopf wrote:

The United States has a long history of debacles, mistakes, and catastrophes in the Middle East. But Donald Trump’s betrayal of the Kurds manages the near impossible. It incorporates all our past failures and then goes a step further by actually placing us on the side of our enemies while embracing their worst characteristics.

This time, we have joined the Axis of Evil.

It "is a new kind of low point," Rothkopf argues, because it "combines every single type of error noted above [in a list of U.S. foreign policy failures in the Middle East] and some new ones."

On October 16, 2019, asked about why he removed U.S. troops from northern Syria, Trump said: "It's been going on for a long time. Syria may have some help with Russia. And that's fine. It's a lot of sand. There's a lot of sand over there. So, there's a lot of sand that they can play with."

In 2025, where are we?

I hate to say I told you so but… I told you so. #mythofantiwartrump

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— Mehdi Hasan (@mehdirhasan.bsky.social) July 17, 2025 at 7:15 AM

In 2026

While paying tribute to Lindsey Graham, President Trump called the late senator "hawkish," adding "he never saw a war that he didn't like."

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— NBC News (@nbcnews.com) July 28, 2026 at 5:40 PM

Monday, November 2, 2015

Quotes on the U.S. war in Iraq

Rob Meltzer, 2003:

"Since taking power in Iraq, the Bush administration has installed a non-democratic council over the Iraqi people. Every time the Bush administration says that it is trying to 'persuade' Iraqis to disclose information to the Americans, it sounds like an admission that the United States is involved in torture. And when the Bush administration begins blowing away Iraqi political opponents and publishing pictures of the dead bodies, one has to wonder whether Bush has gone a little too native. In short, if Bush is winning the hearts and minds of the Iraqi people, it might be because he reminds them of someone else who used to run that country. It is simply not convincing that American troops had no choice short of assassination to deal with these men. ... If Bush gives the impression that he is killing the only people who know the truth, it just serves to undermine the credibility of American power, and America overseas.
"

U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, 2006:

"I believe strongly it [invading Iraq] was the right strategic decision. I know we've made tactical errors, thousands of them, I'm sure. ... I am quite certain there are going to be dissertations written about the mistakes of the Bush administration. But when you look back in history what will be judged on is [whether the] right strategic decision [was made].

"

Frank Rich, 2006:

"'That [WMD] is what this war was about,' Ari Fleischer said midway through Operation Iraqi Freedom. Paul Wolfowitz, the deputy defense secretary, told the journalist Sam Tanenhaus of Vanity Fair that WMDs were 'the one issue that everyone could agree upon' in the White House war counsels and 'the core reason' for the war.

* * *

When Bush said 'We found the weapons of mass destruction' to a Polish reporter on May 29, 2003, he already knew that the 'mobile biological laboratories' he was referring to were nothing of the kind. As The Washington Post reported in 2006, two days before Bush made his claim, a secret Pentagon-sponsored fact-finding mission of nine U.S. and British biological-weapons experts had reported back to Washington that 'there was no connection to anything biological' in the trailers, which were jokingly derided by the scientists and engineers who had examined them as 'the biggest sand toilets in the world.'"


Excerpt from a Republican memo in 2007:

"The debate [on H. Con. Res 63] should not be about the surge or its details. This debate should not even be about the Iraq war to date, mistakes that have been made, or whether we can, or cannot, win militarily. If we let Democrats force us into a debate on the surge or the current situation in Iraq, we lose."

Andrew J. Bacevich in 2008:

"Yet, as events have made plain, the United States is ill-prepared to wage a global war of no exits and no deadlines. The sole superpower lacks the resources – economic, political, and military – to support a large-scale, protracted conflict without, at the very least, inflicting severe economic and political damage on itself. American power has limits and is inadequate to the ambitions to which hubris and sanctimony have given rise.

Here is the central paradox of our time: While the defense of American freedom seems to demand that U.S. troops fight in places like Iraq and Afghanistan, the exercise of that freedom at home undermines the nation's capacity to fight. A grand bazaar provides an inadequate basis upon which to erect a vast empire."


Associated Press in 2011:

"After two decades of war and civil conflict, about 1.5 million Iraqi women – 10 percent of the country's adult females – are widows, a new study says. Nearly 60 percent of these women lost their husbands in the violence that followed the 2003 U.S. invasion, and most are desperately poor."

Eric Felten in 2011:

"In the first months of the 2003 invasion of Iraq, Americans fighting there bucked this conventional wisdom [that soldiers are motivated by supporting each other rather than by causes], with a high number of soldiers saying they were motivated to fight as payback for 9/11. But as the war dragged out into an ugly and endless guerrilla conflict--and as the argument that the war had anything to do with 9/11 became rather less compelling--troops fell back on that simplest of wartime truths. 'We weren't fighting for anybody else but ourselves,' said one American soldier in Iraq in 2005, 'we were just fighting for each other.'"

HuffPost World in 2013:

"The death toll in Iraq this year ranges from some 7,900 to 8,700 people so far, making 2013 the most deadly year for the country since 2008, according to IraqBodyCount.org, a U.K.-based website founded in 2003 and run by volunteers to record civilian deaths. The special United Nations representative for Iraq described some recent attacks as “execution-style killings,” and single bombings have claimed as many as 85 lives. Many independent monitors are concerned the situation will continue to worsen."

Aaron Blake in 2026:

"Polling last week showed 61% of Americans labeled the [2026 Iran] war a mistake after just two months; the Iraq war took three years for the “mistake” number to reach that high, and the Vietnam war took six."

Bill O'Reilly admits he was wrong to support the 2003 Iraq War, yet he supports the 2026 Iran War.

Sources

"Bush having identity crisis?" Rob Meltzer, Metrowest Daily News, Aug. 2, 2003

U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice in a speech at Blackburn's Chatham House in England. March 31, 2006. http://www.cnn.com/2006/WORLD/europe/03/31/rice.straw.liverpool/index.html Accessed March 31, 2006.

Frank Rich. The Greatest Story Ever Sold: The Decline and Fall of Truth from 9/11 to Katrina. New York: Penguin Press, 2006. p. 95, 219.

Excerpt from a memo from Representatives John Shadegg (R-AZ) and Peter Hoekstra (R-MI). Thomas Cathcart and Daniel Klein. Aristotle and an Aardvark Go to Washington: Understanding Political Doublespeak Through Philosophy and Jokes. New York: Abrams Image, 2008. p. 62. H. Con. Res. 63 read as follows: "Congress disapproves of the decision of President George W. Bush announced on January 10, 2007, to deploy more than 20,000 additional United States combat troops to Iraq."

Andrew J. Bacevich. The Limits of Power: The End of American Exceptionalism. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2008. p. 11.

AP. The Week, Sept. 30, 2011, p. 20.

Eric Felten. Loyalty: The Vexing Virtue. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2011. p. 28.

"A Wave Of Violence Sweeps Iraq," by Shane Shifflett, Hilary Fung, Eline Gordts and Jay Boice. HuffPost World. Dec. 17, 2013.

Aaron Blake, Trump just reasserted his domination of the GOP. But that might not be good news for the party in 2026, CNN, May 6, 2026

Sunday, December 7, 2014

George W. Bush's memoir on Sept. 11 and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq

"Decision Points" covers a range of issues that defined the presidency of George W. Bush. These are the memoirs of an American president. This article was originally published to Helium Network on Nov. 15, 2010. Photo: Televised phone conversation from the Oval Office in the White House in Washington, D.C. on Sept. 13, 2001. White House photo by Eric Draper. Public domain. Wikimedia Commons.

"Decision Points," released in November 2010, is the long-awaited memoir from former U.S. President George W. Bush about his eventful eight years in office. He describes his experience leading the country during the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, the subsequent U.S.-led wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, Hurricane Katrina and the financial crisis.

Rather than opening the book with these weighty issues, Bush begins with personal vignettes about the childhood death of his sister Robin, his struggles in school, his decision to quit drinking, his interest in the preacher Billy Graham, his reluctance as a young man to settle down with a career and family, and his intention to adopt children with his wife before she unexpectedly became pregnant with twins. Following the personal introduction, the rest of the book is organized around political issues. There are separate chapters for the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Even those stories are not always told in chronological order, but are often framed instead by descriptions of Bush's relationships with other key political figures. The sentence structure and vocabulary is extremely simple; portions of the book could be assigned to a bright sixth-grader.

Part of the drive behind this book may have come from Bush's desire to correct the record when, in April 2004, a journalist asked him to name a mistake he had made and he could not. This memoir is a little more open about some of his shortcomings.

Sept. 11 and the war in Afghanistan

Of the suicide bombings of Sept. 11, 2001 and the U.S. response to them, Bush writes: "The story of that week is the key to understanding my presidency." The event led directly to the war in Afghanistan. Bush asked the ruling Taliban in Afghanistan to cooperate with his investigation into and response to the attacks, but they refused. So, less than a month after the terrorist attacks, Operation Enduring Freedom was launched. "The liberation of Afghanistan had begun," as he puts it. The plan was for the US to join local opposition to "avoid looking like a conqueror or occupier. America would help the Afghan people liberate themselves."

Bush defends the practices of waterboarding of suspected terrorists (an "enhanced interrogation" technique that many described as torture) and wiretapping under the Terrorist Surveillance Program (something else no one wants to happen to them).

Not finding Osama Bin Laden, the man responsible for organizing the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks, was one of Bush's "great regrets." (Bin Laden was killed a few months after the release of Bush's memoirs, under Obama's presidency.) But at least, Bush says, Bin Laden never attacked the US again. That the US did not again suffer any significant international terrorist attack for the remainder of his term is, to his mind, "my most meaningful accomplishment as president."

The war in Iraq

Bush recalls that France, Germany and Russia stood together in refusing to help the US invade Iraq. "I understood why people might disagree on the threat Saddam Hussein posed to the United States," Bush says. "But I didn't see how anyone could deny that liberating Iraq advanced the cause of human rights." The opening "shock and awe" bombing campaign of government buildings began on March 19, 2003, and by that fall, 30 other countries had ground forces in Iraq.

Bush admits that "we had not adequately prepared" for the scenario of Baghdad being taken by looting and violence. Saddam released tens of thousands of criminals from jail prior to the arrival of the U.S. forces, and to make things worse, the Iraqi police "collapsed" and the army "melted away". Later, the American man in charge of post-liberation organization "formally disbanded the Iraqi army, which had largely disappeared on its own," and Bush did not anticipate that these armed men would join the insurgency rather than signing up for the new army. The Sunnis in particular feared they would not have a place in the new Iraq. As a result, Bush wonders whether his de-Baathification program was too severe. 

He reveals that the scandal at Abu Ghraib prison in 2004, in which U.S. soldiers photographed themselves abusing Iraqi prisoners, was "a low point of my presidency," but he doesn't elaborate what corrective action needed to be taken.

Of the ultimate discovery that Saddam Hussein had not been hiding the weapons of mass destruction that were the original basis of the invasion, Bush said, "No one was more shocked or angry than I was when we didn't find the weapons. I had a sickening feeling every time I thought about it. I still do." For someone who is shocked and angry, Bush devotes a surprisingly small space in this book to the vindictive outing of CIA operative Valerie Plame after her husband questioned the accuracy of the "16 words" claim in Bush's 2003 State of the Union address: "The British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa." Bush does not mention the name of former White House press secretary Scott McClellan, whose 2008 tell-all memoir "What Happened" alleges that Bush "deceived" him in asking him to assure the press - inaccurately, in hindsight - that Scooter Libby was not involved in the leak.

After Saddam was captured, he explained that he'd inflated the appearance of his weapons capability as a bluff because he wanted to make a show of strength to Iran and because he did not believe the US would really invade. If Saddam indeed received "mixed signals" about the seriousness of Bush's intent, Bush blames it on the joint statement issued by France, Germany and Russia that they would not participate in the invasion and - rather noncommittally and gratuitously - on "antiwar demonstrators around the world" whose actions "didn't help," whatever that might mean. (One imagines that those critics could have proved very useful indeed, had Bush listened to some of their arguments.).

Hurricane Katrina

When Hurricane Katrina hit Louisiana in 2005, the city of New Orleans flooded and was plunged into chaos. Bush says he didn't immediately recognize that local authorities were failing to lead, and he acknowledges that "I took too long to decide" when assuming federal control of the situation in New Orleans. He says he should have appeared on the scene more rapidly and communicated more empathy. "My biggest substantive mistake," he clarifies, "was waiting too long to deploy active-duty troops." Being accused of racism in the response to Katrina was "the worst moment of my presidency."

Financial crisis

As Bush neared the end of his presidency, a crisis hit financial markets, severe enough that they "ceased to function," as Bush put it. He says it was unfair to use taxpayer money to fix problems that the banks had caused, but it would have more unfair to do nothing and to let Americans suffer enormous economic problems caused by multiple bank failures. Bush was involved in September 2008 when the government chose to allow Lehman Brothers to fail but purchased most of insurance giant AIG which was $85 billion in debt and put government-sponsored mortgage companies Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac into conservatorship. He supported the Troubled Asset Relief Program to help fix the problem. Additionally, in "Decision Points, he takes both credit and blame for the "bailout" of the automakers that is often pinned on his successor, Barack Obama.

Additional topics

Bush covers many other topics, including:

  • Why, as a tactical political maneuver, he ought to have revealed his previous arrest for drunk driving early in the first presidential campaign, to avoid suffering when it was revealed shortly before the election
  • How he became the first president to fund embryonic stem cell research, but for existing lines only
  • The mandate that insurance companies cover treatment for mental illness
  • The passage of the PATRIOT Act
  • The implementation of No Child Left Behind education reform, which he considers to be "civil rights legislation"
  • How the "roadmap" to the establishment of a Palestinian state essentially failed when Israel invaded Lebanon
  • The success of PEPFAR, in which the US pledged a total of $45 billion over 10 years to combat HIV/AIDS in Africa, and concurrent programs against malaria in Africa
  • The withdrawal from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty in favor of establishing a missile defense system, and the Moscow Treaty in which the US and Russia pledged to eliminate thousands of nuclear warheads by 2012
  • The failure to reform Social Security, which he describes as "one of the greatest disappointments of my presidency"

There are also some curious omissions, such as energy policy, climate change and the popular debate over same-sex marriage.

While Bush doesn't spend much time analyzing Democrats, a pleasing feature is that he doesn't spend much time attacking them, either, and his criticism is muted and civil. It is more bothersome that he gives scant attention to the opinions and experiences of the American population at large. In the book, Americans serve as occasional statistics on education and Medicare and as symbols of the effects of 9/11 and the subsequent wars, but they never appear as experts who provide competing worldviews. Because of that, this hefty book is limited to Bush's own personal narrative, and it doesn't tell the larger story of the country during the Bush administration. It leaves the reader with the impression that Bush didn't accept much advice or insight from anyone outside his inner circle.

Although this book does not contain surprising revelations, it is worthwhile for those who are interested in a story of the eight years of the Bush administration narrated from the perspective of the President.


Related Link

"Afghan contractors: 'I wish I'd never worked for the UK government'," Yogita Limaye, BBC, 16 Aug 2022

This city is on track to run out of water by 2030. For many residents, that day is already here. Laura Paddison and Masoud Popalzai, CNN, Oct 6, 2026

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