Showing posts with label religious pluralism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label religious pluralism. Show all posts

Monday, June 24, 2024

Speaking of bearing false witness

Louisiana has mandated posting the Ten Commandments in public school classrooms.

"Louisiana classrooms now required by law to display the Ten Commandments," Stephanie Gallman Dianne Gallagher, CNN, June 19, 2024

Here's the law (PDF).

Donald Trump's reaction:

"'Has anyone read the ‘Thou shalt not steal’? I mean, has anybody read this incredible stuff? It’s just incredible,' Trump said at the gathering of the Faith & Freedom Coalition. 'They don’t want it to go up. It’s a crazy world.'

Trump a day earlier posted an endorsement of the new law on his social media network, saying: 'I LOVE THE TEN COMMANDMENTS IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS, PRIVATE SCHOOLS, AND MANY OTHER PLACES, FOR THAT MATTER. READ IT — HOW CAN WE, AS A NATION, GO WRONG???'"

— "Trump Endorses Ten Commandments In Schools, Urges Evangelical Christians To Vote: Donald Trump has told a group of evangelicals that they 'cannot afford to sit on the sidelines' of the 2024 election, imploring them at one point to 'go and vote, Christians, please!'." Michelle L. Price and Ayanna Alexander, HuffPost, Jun 22, 2024

The reason that people who are secular or pluralistic don't think the Ten Commandments should be put up in public schools and other public buildings isn't that we think it should be legal to steal.

Speaking of bearing false witness.

U.S. Capitol building

Read more on Medium: Rep. Jamie Raskin’s book Unthinkable

"An initial review by The Texas Tribune of the proposed textbooks showed that religious references are featured prominently, with texts sourced from the Bible being the most heavily used." Texas is a really large textbook market which then sets the standard for those markets nationwide.

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— Nails Nathan (@chadstanton.bsky.social) Jun 27, 2024 at 6:38 PM

if you squint, you can see some of the last dying vestiges of principled bipartisan conservatism that used to be fairly common in oklahoma governance

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— GOLIKEHELLMACHINE (@golikehellmachine.com) Jun 25, 2024 at 11:01 AM

Oklahoma State Superintendent Ryan Walters issued this memo today requiring teachers in all schools to keep a Bible in their classroom and teach from it as a historical document. (Via KOCO 5 News)

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— David S. Bernstein (@dbernstein.bsky.social) Jun 27, 2024 at 12:54 PM

Friday, June 21, 2019

Why do conservative American Christians feel discriminated against? A 2019 debate

See also:

David French vs. Sohrab Ahmari and the battle dividing conservatives, explained | Vox

GLAAD responds to New York Times hiring anti-LGBTQ attorney as opinion columnist | GLAAD


Last month, Sohrab Ahmari, a Catholic and the op-ed editor of the New York Post, published an alarming and revealing opinion, "Against David French-ism" (First Things, May 29, 2019).

Ahmari describes "what I call David French-ism, after the National Review writer and Never-Trump stalwart" as an expectation that Christian beliefs can be upheld politely and voluntarily on a cultural level rather than through legislative force. On this model, people would use their autonomy to live guided by Christian values rather than by some other kind of values. Ahmari derides it as "an idle wish that all men become moral." French-ism, he says, "is more a persuasion or a sensibility than a movement with clear tenets" that, beyond any individual, "pervade[s] a wider sphere of conservative Christian thinking and activism." It happens that French is Protestant.

When confronted with "the cultural civil war," Ahmari insists, "the only way is through," meaning that one must have "the aim of defeating the enemy and enjoying the spoils [my emphasis] in the form of a public square re-ordered to the common good and ultimately the Highest Good." The only other option is ceding the public square to "the libertine ways and paganized ideology of the other side." Social institutions aren't "neutral zones" that "accommodate" everyone. They are zero-sum: there is a winner and a loser.

Ahmari complains that the "libertines" wish to require Christians to "positively affirm our sexual choices, our transgression, our power to disfigure our natural bodies and redefine what it means to be human, lest your [Christian] disapprobation make us feel less than fully autonomous." Ahmari agrees that "Individual experiments in living—say, taking your kids to a drag reading hour at the public library—cannot be sustained without some level of moral approval by the community." The 2016 presidential election reflected an increasing Christian desire to once again begin privileging "order, continuity, and social cohesion" above mere individual "autonomy" which in practice empowering the government ("and not just the church, family, and individual") to "help protect the citizen from transnational forces beyond his control." (He attributes this belief to Trump. I disbelieve that Trump himself has any political philosophy, but of course I understand that many of his followers have political philosophies and perhaps they project them onto Trump.)

He concluded:

"Progressives understand that culture war means discrediting their opponents and weakening or destroying their institutions. Conservatives should approach the culture war with a similar realism. Civility and decency are secondary values. They regulate compliance with an established order and orthodoxy. We should seek to use these values to enforce our order and our orthodoxy, not pretend that they could ever be neutral. To recognize that enmity is real is its own kind of moral duty."

Ramona V. Tausz responded in "About Drag Queen Story Hour" (First Things, June 4, 2019)

She raised concerns that "videos of past story hours reveal pornographic adult entertainment: provocative outfits, sexual dancing, and twerking," while two of the drag queens "were later exposed as convicted sex offenders and pedophiles." Beyond such reasonable objections to the performers and content at specific events, however, Tausz also objects more generally to drag, quoting Anna Bohach as calling such performances "a sexist minstrel show.” Bohach opposes, as Tausz explains, "the inherent misogyny of drag queen culture, which reduces femininity to crude stereotypes."

Calling drag queens "demonic," she says, is "certainly not all that is needed — but it is a good start. The effort to ban Drag Queen Story Hour starts when we have the courage to clarify the moral stakes."


A note: These two articles in First Things make a couple assertions that lean toward non-fact territory. Ahmari says, without providing a source, that the accusation of Trump's collusion with Russia is "discredited," which it most certainly is not. Tausz quotes a sentence from the American College of Pediatricians, a group founded 17 years ago as an anti-LGBT advocacy group that has only a few hundred members, not to be confused with the American Academy of Pediatrics founded 89 years ago as a real professional organization that today has tens of thousands of members. The value of a statement from the former group is dubious and question-begging, because if they had pro-LGBT facts, they'd hide them, and if they had pro-LGBT beliefs, they'd dissolve. Tausz also mentions a recent paper by Lisa Littman that "suggest that gender dysphoria in adolescents spreads through social contagion." In that August 2018 paper, Littman defines the term "social contagion" as "the spread of affect or behaviors through a population" especially to refer to the influence of peers and she emphasizes that she does not intend "in any way to characterize the developmental process, outcome, or behavior as a disease or disease-like state, or to convey any value judgement." Littman only interviewed parents of transgender children, not the children themselves, about their perceptions about how their children's gender identity was forming and expressing; following controversy, the journal issued a correction in March 2019 so that the paper would meet the journal's publication criteria.

A couple tweets for a 2023 update on so-called Rapid-Onset Gender Dysphoria (ROGD):

An August 24, 2023 Scientific American tweet refers to 'a steadily growing body of scientific evidence' that ROGD and social contagion aren't reasons for the existence of trans people. Helen Staniland responds the next day: 'the very scientific community itself is captured'. John Seaborn comments satirically: 'TERFs: Science has fallen to the woke mind virus. I am not in a cult.'

"Conservatives Are Now Blaming Science For Low Trans Regret Rates": A new study was published showing that transgender people who opt for top surgery have very little regret. Conservatives are predictably outraged at the conclusion, going as far as to blame science. Erin Reed. August 14, 2023.

December 2023: Rapid-Onset Gender Dysphoria Is Not a Recognized Mental Health Diagnosis Jack L. Turban, M.D., M.H.S., Brett Dolotina, Thomas M. Freitag, M.P.P., Dana King, A.L.M., Alex S. Keuroghlian, M.D., M.P.H., Letter to the Editor, Vol. 73, Issue 6, P1163-1164, Dec 2023, DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2023.09.009

Speaking of which:

Michael Bailey tweets on June 15, 2023: It finally happened. Our article has been retracted.

See "A retraction long overdue," Pharyngula, June 16, 2023, which explains:

"For those unfamiliar with this slop, the assessment of the psychological state of young trans people was obtained by soliciting self-reports from their parents, parents recruited from web sites where people obsessed with trans issues gather. All their data was gathered from an anti-trans website! It’s as if someone looked up the parents of scientists by finding their posted comments on Answers in Genesis, and then came to the conclusion that all evilutionists were formed by resentment of their pastors and association with god-hating school clubs, and determined that scientists were all pathological basket-cases."

Brynn Tannehill, tweet: This study was retracted (ostensibly) for failing to get informed consent from the minors being written about. That's a HUGE ethical
Brynn Tannehill, tweet: Years ago, I wrote a humorous take on the ROGD study to illustrate why the research methodology and conclusions were awful. Still worth a read. But, the study by Bailey should never have been approved in the first place.

"An Easy Guide to Why Littman’s ROGD Research is Junk," Brynn Tannehill, December 11, 2018


Also, a May 2023 update:

"...the Surgeon General’s Office of Florida, which is supposed to make its decisions using rigorous scientific and medical standards, tapped leaders from the misleadingly named American College of Pediatricians (ACP), a conversion therapy organization designated as a hate group by the Southern Policy Law center, to consult on its production. ... Dr. Van Mol would go on to promote documents created by the ACP in order to get them enshrined into Florida’s medical literature. One such document was developed in January 2023 and was discovered due to a massive leak of documents by the organization. This document is quoted by Jones as being a '129-page file of references and sources for anti-trans arguments, attributed to Andre Van Mol and dated January 2, 2022' - you can find a full link to the first version of the document in Jones’ research. The slightly updated document was directly sent to the AHCA with a few additions in order to help develop their standards of care with the explicit goal to ban trans care and can be found in the court filings."


The June 20, 2019 episode of The New York Times' "The Argument" podcast responded to Ahmari's article. The episode is called, “Are we headed for war with Iran? And have conservatives given up on liberal democracy?” The first question is dealt with in the first half of the episode, while the second segment, beginning at 20:25, deals with the second question about the debate between conservatism and liberal democracy as exemplified in Ahmari's article.

David Leonhardt led a discussion between Michelle Goldberg and Ross Douthat. “To me," Goldberg began, "the fight seems to be about whether or not conservatives can continue to tolerate a society in which they don’t rule." She continued by saying that "there really are situations...in which there is a conflict between liberal notions of equality and religious exercise. But this [drag queen story hour] isn't one of them. This is just a community event that Ahmari is angry that he can't ban, and to me it kind of reveals that what they're demanding, once again, is primacy in public life that they feel like they deserve and have been denied, and, having been denied it, they're sort of ready to give up on the whole 'experiment' of American liberal democracy."

Whereas, Douthat's opening: "I think fundamentally what's going on are two things. One, you have a bunch of religious conservatives who made a lot of compromises in supporting Donald Trump or who didn't make those compromises and are now trying to decide whether to support him for reelection...and so they're thinking through justifications for essentially supporting a very unpleasant figure, and one of those justifications is this sense that political liberalism has become so hostile to conservative Christianity that you have to make deals with Donald Trump...that's a big part of the Ahmari vs. David French fight...so Trump looms over this." The second issue Douthat describes is "almost a power play" between libertarian "political conservatives" and Christian "social conservatives," in which Christians chafe at the observation that they are delivering votes to the Republican Party yet aren't seeing their social values reflected in the party's primarily fiscal agenda and successes.

Goldberg sought clarification about the suggestion that conservatives are not in charge. What haven't they gotten? What do they still want? Douthat responded: "Marco Rubio and Mike Lee and a few other people wanted the tax bill to be more pro-family and the rest of the Republican coalition wanted it to be more pro-business, and for the most part the pro-business side won." Goldberg challenged him by pointing out that Ahmari wasn't talking about anti-trust laws or taxes, but about a "culture war." Douthat suggested that Ahmari's language was just "chest-thumping" and that Ahmari would likely back off when questioned. He believes that Ahmari is "reacting to the sense that, in the new liberal culture, you get drag queen story hours, and if you're an evangelical florist who doesn't want to do flowers for a same-sex wedding, you get fined and driven out of business." Liberals, too, are unbending in their pursuit of the highest good; they "a corporate-sponsored Pride Week as the liturgy of our society."

Many Christians are still persuaded by the ideal of pluralism in which some people can live as openly gay and others can live out their own religious values. But, Douthat said, other Christians are alarmed at what they see as creeping restrictions on Catholic hospitals and adoption agencies that would compel these institutions to perform abortions or place children with same-sex couples. "A neutral public square," he said, "is a hard thing to sustain." That civic effort goes beyond "you don't have to marry a guy if you don't like gay marriage."

Goldberg reminded Douthat that her impression is that Christians are upset because they have less power than they used to have, and that Douthat seems to be providing alternative "reasons that they feel disenfranchised and victimized." But isn't that the same, she pushed him, as saying that they are upset "because they no longer rule?" She asked Douthat: "Is Catholicism or is orthodox Christianity oppressed if they are not allowed to discriminate?" Yes, Douthat said. Political pressure, even if "gentle," affects internal Christian tradition (as with the phase-out of Mormon polygamy). Goldberg challenged this, saying that she doesn't know any liberals who want to use the political sphere to influence what happens internally in churches. What happens in adoption agencies and whether they can discriminate against gays, Jews, and Muslims, is different. For some reason, Christians interpret those anti-discrimination efforts as discrimination against them.

Speaking from the Catholic perspective, Douthat said:

"The promise of American life in the 20th century was that, if Catholics made their peace with exactly this liberal pluralism that we're talking about and abandoned some of the 19th-century Catholic critiques of liberal democracy, then America would make a place for them and Catholicism would continue to thrive in the US...I think, since then, the turn that liberalism has taken, secular liberalism, around a whole range of issues starting with abortion and sort of moving through the debates around the sexual revolution, have essentially rewritten the bargain that Catholics made to become full Americans."

While this is not grounds for "tearing up the deal," it is unsurprising that "it provokes anxiety, uncertainty, and a lot of weird debates and experiments."


2023 update:


2025 update:

Like the NSDAP Volkskirche, the whole idea of Trumpist "Christian Nationalism" is to leave actual Christianity toothless and incapable of challenging a stream of morally depraved policies. Hard to believe that Ross Douthat is as stupid as he comes across in this piece.

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— Scott Horton (@robertscotthorton.bsky.social) December 6, 2025 at 11:22 AM

On October 2, 2020, Eric Trump went on North Dakota radio and said his father has "literally saved Christianity" as "there's a full-out war on faith in this country by the other side."


In a 2021 ABC News / Washington Post poll, as Jill Filipovic opined on CNN,

even a slim majority of Republicans and conservatives, and 75% percent of Americans generally, believe that abortion should be a private decision between a woman and her doctor. Just one in five Americans, a small minority, want to see the decision of whether or not to have an abortion regulated by law. Majorities support abortion rights across racial, gender, regional, and educational lines; almost half of white Evangelicals, the most conservative voting bloc in the country, say abortion should be between a woman and her doctor instead of regulated by law and 62% of Catholics favor upholding Roe v Wade. Only about a quarter of Americans strongly support state laws that make it more difficult for clinics to run.

In November 2022, all 50 Senate Democrats and 12 Senate Republicans voted to advance the Respect for Marriage Act, but 37 Senate Republicans voted no, "illustrating that, while polling has found that more than 70 percent of Americans — including a majority of Republicans — support same-sex marriage, the issue remains politically untouchable for many G.O.P. lawmakers....The bill would not require any state to allow same-sex couples to marry. But it would repeal the Defense of Marriage Act, which denied federal benefits to same-sex couples."

"Same-Sex Marriage Rights Bill Clears a Crucial Senate Hurdle" (unpaywalled): Democrats made the same-sex marriage bill one of their first major agenda items in the postelection session, moving quickly to enact it while their party still controls both chambers. New York Times, November 16, 2022.


Early context of the "culture wars":

Charles Murray launched The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life in 1994. (His co-author, Herrnstein, had died.) He claimed that Black people in the United States were poor because they weren't smart enough to earn high salaries. Annalee Newitz explains: "Pat Buchanan, a conservative adviser to Reagan who championed the idea of 'culture war' in a 1992 speech, had been arguing against affirmative action programs since the 1970s by citing Herrnstein's early research." The "not-so-hidden insinuation," Newitz says, is that you're unintelligent if you don't understand Murray and Herrnstein's logic. "False rationality often succeeds as an influence strategy because of this built-in defense against criticism. Anyone who disagrees is deemed too irrational or too stupid to understand..."

Newitz spoke to the author Ishmael Reed. As Newitz summed up:

"When I asked what he thought about The Bell Curve's influence today [in the 2020s], he joked that it's still about 'selling racism.' Current debates over cancel culture seemed to him just a continuation of the same rhetoric about Black people ruining America. Once again, white people were discussing what to do with Black people, and Black people's opinions were drowned out. 'You look at these people talking about cancel culture, like Bill Maher and David Brooks — they reach more people in one week than all the ethnic studies courses in the last twenty years,' he said. He described the situation as an asymmetric culture war, where Black critics like himself could occasionally land a great zinger in a national newspaper but rarely had the reach of a television pundit."

Newitz adds that "many white people bought into the book's lies," but Black people didn't. While the psyop was partly aimed at Black people, it had only been designed for the vulnerabilities of a racist white audience. "This is a classic failure mode in psyops: the propagandist's own biases cause him to underestimate or simply miss his target."

Modern versions of eugenicist arguments "are not truly based in science. They are, like all psyops, based on telling emotional stories and appealing to entrenched prejudices. Sometimes fighting them with fiction works better than fighting with facts."

Newitz quotes N. K. Jemisin's 2021 tweet: "White supremacy is a psyop."

(Annalee Newitz, Stories Are Weapons: Psychological Warfare and the American Mind. W. W. Norton, 2024. Chapter 4: Bad Brains.)

Trump pretty much copied Buchanan's message on economics.

"The Republican Party’s increasingly open embrace of aggressive nativism had been coming for a long time, of course. It’s what the self-described paleo-conservatives had been demanding for decades. In 1992, they came close to toppling the party establishment when their standard-bearer Pat Buchanan challenged President George H. W. Bush in the Republican primaries. A wave of white anger, resentment, and despair allowed these ethno-nationalist forces to advance significantly after the end of the Cold War – even if it wasn’t quite enough yet to take over the party. While the rightwing base was almost certainly with Buchanan on issues of national identity and immigration in the 90s, the conservative power centers and the Republican establishment were strong enough still to hold on. They never really denounced the openly anti-democratic forces in their midst, however, and instead decided they would try to harness the extremist, far-right popular energies on the base. As a result, the whole party kept being pulled to the right, with almost every election cycle bringing in a new cohort of people more radical than the last."
— Thomas Zimmer, "Why the Extremiests Took Over on the Right", Democracy Americana

On April 11, 2025, Bill Maher said on HBO's Real Time that he had recently had dinner at the White House with President Trump. He said: “Trump was gracious and measured. And why isn’t that in other settings, I don’t know, and I can’t answer and it’s not my place to answer. I’m just telling you what I saw, and I wasn’t high." (HuffPost)

It keeps going: Bill Maher Gets Into Fiery Spat With Reporter Who Questioned His Meeting With Trump. The Washington Post columnist accused Maher of having “fallen into the trap” by recently meeting with the president at the White House. Jazmin Tolliver, HuffPost, Apr 13, 2025

One of the many bleating air horns in the background of the immigration debate is the open demonstration that the right never actually opposed the logic of affirmative action, just the recipients. waiting with bated breath to see if this changes the op-ed sections of our favorite papers at all

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— Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò (@olufemiotaiwo.bsky.social) December 28, 2024 at 7:36 AM

McDonald's is the latest company to roll back diversity goals. The company rolled out a series of diversity initiatives in 2021 after a spate of sexual harrassment lawsuits and a lawsuit alleging discrimination by a group of Black former owners of McDonald’s franchises. Associated Press, NBC News, Jan. 6, 2025

"This is the permission structure that governs conservative politics: Anything is justified in defense against what they constantly play up as a radically “Un-American,” extremist “Left” that has supposedly taken over the Democratic Party. As crass or radical or outrageous as some on the Right might find him and his actions, nothing Trump has ever done has betrayed the accepted dogma of conservative politics: That only white conservatives – and the party that represents them – are entitled to rule in America, that Democratic governance is inherently illegitimate, that the “leftist” enemy within is the greatest danger to the nation. It’s a permission structure that doesn’t allow for lines that can’t be crossed. It has proven remarkably adaptable, fully capable of handling the most outlandish transgressions and crimes. It has allowed them to justify their actions within the long-established framework of conservative self-victimization – and to present their allegiance to Trump as a patriotic act."
"Power, Opportunism, and Ideology in Republican Politics," by Thomas Zimmer, Democracy Americana, July 26, 2026

Saturday, September 8, 2018

Another jab at 'identity politics': The anti-democratic sentence at the end of the Sept. 5, 2018 anonymous op-ed

Pundits had much to say about a Sept. 5, 2018 op-ed published by the New York Times and written by a Trump administration insider whose name the Times is protecting. The op-ed writer styled himself (I presume it is a man, for reasons that will appear below) as someone who resists Trump's agenda by quietly sabotaging his boss from within the system. Most responses tended to critique whether this is really resisting or just enabling.

This sentence in the op-ed drew particular attention: "There are bright spots that the near-ceaseless negative coverage of the administration fails to capture: effective deregulation, historic tax reform, a more robust military and more." Not everyone admires these Republican policies, after all. The same day the op-ed was published, Eric Levitz complained in New York Magazine's Daily Intelligencer that this anonymous official apparently believes "that making it easier for payday lenders to scam the working poor, lowering the corporate tax rate, and increasing America’s military budget (which was already larger than every other major power’s combined) are such morally urgent goals, it is worthwhile to risk autocratic rule for the sake of advancing them:" Charles P. Pierce made the same point in Esquire, translating these policies as "poisoned water, more of the nation's wealth catapulted upwards, and a massive new Navy in case Yamamoto comes back from the dead."

No one seems to have picked up on the op-ed's last line, however. The anonymous writer said: "But the real difference will be made by everyday citizens rising above politics, reaching across the aisle and resolving to shed the labels in favor of a single one: Americans." Given the position, this must be important. It doesn't obviously connect to the rest of the article's message, which should raise eyebrows all the more. Why is it there? How does the writer go from admitting that the amoral, incompetent president is being played by his own aides (of which the writer is one) to exhorting ordinary Americans to "shed" their personal identities?

Here's my theory. The writer knows that not everyone agrees with the Republican policy agenda. He knows that he, a rogue aide, is doing a job for which he was not elected. (If he was elected, rather than appointed, to any political position, the job he was elected for wasn't the job of subverting the president's agenda.) He knows that many people will take issue with him on the policy areas he mentioned and others that he didn't mention. So he flips the blame around. According to his account, if there's a problem here, it's not that the president is amoral and incompetent, nor that he's enabling this president, nor that he's pursuing some policy agenda. No, he says, the real problem is that "everyday citizens" criticize him because they are playing "politics" and have identity "labels" that polarize them against him. If they would just "ris[e] above politics," "shed the labels," and act like real "Americans," that would make a "real difference" — to him, of course, because then they wouldn't oppose him.

Here's the problem. There are plenty of ways that people are marginalized because of their identities. Some types of oppression rise somewhat organically as side effects of systems new and old, while other types of oppression result more directly from policies that are chosen and implemented by powerful people right now today. Whether discrimination and power inequities are intentional or not, they certainly take place. Our identities matter.

The author is picking up on a trope against identity politics. This trope blames people for their own oppression and for not getting the political leaders who will help them. If they would just stop having those identities, they wouldn't be oppressed, and their neighbors and politicians would actually want to talk to them and help them. But as they persist in having identities, they continue to manifest oppression against themselves, their neighbors vote against their interests, and their political leaders are likewise disinclined to represent them fairly.

This anonymous, unelected, self-appointed guardian of good policy and saboteur of bad policy: Just what does he think a politically transcendent, label-shed, generically American policy is? Why, whatever he says it is. He is the generic American. He's defending interests that make sense to him. Any "everyday" person who hopes to see their own interests represented by a politician is accused of dragging the country down into "politics" and causing division through "labels."

(As just one of many possible examples, see Katherine Stewart's op-eds that are occasionally published in the Times. So-called religious liberty initiatives, which she prefers to view as examples of "religious privilege," are attempts to "target specific groups of people as legitimate objects of contempt." While people denied services at one business may find those services at another, "what they won’t get back is the equal dignity to which they are entitled — and that’s the point.")

So, what this anonymous writer is saying is fundamentally anti-democratic. He claims to constrain an autocratic president, but his own tendencies are equally autocratic. He has no interest in representing the actual interests of actual people. He orders us to sit down and shut up. He doesn't want to know who we are. The uniqueness of each of us is a threat to his predefined idea of what it means to be "American."

This whole piece is so childish that it borders on satire. This is the story you write if you only experienced the 2020 protests via your racist aunt's Facebook posts. www.nytimes.com/2024/11/02/u...

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— D Lavoie (@djlavoie.bsky.social) November 2, 2024 at 7:32 AM

"...it all reeks of fraud. What follows the but in “I’m generally supportive of resistance politics but…” is almost always some concoction meant to drain true grievances of their spirit, in favor of a politics of grievance that keeps things at a fascist status quo. ... if you’re supportive of resistance politics, of releasing one and all from the toil of an unnecessarily and illegitimately oppressive existence, but pivoting to the cringe of it all, and how the aesthetics are a block for you and your support, well damn then, no, you’re not supportive of resistance politics. Support of something so crucial – opposing and resisting fascism – doesn’t get sidetracked by things so trivial." (Anupum Mehrotra (LunchCounterPunch)You Are With Resistance Politics Or You Are Against Resistance Politics, Bad Faith Times, April 13, 2026)

Saturday, June 2, 2018

'The Good News Club': Evangelical Christianity in U.S. public schools

Katherine Stewart's The Good News Club: The Christian Right's Stealth Assault on America's Children is based on interviews with people involved in the deliberate intrusion of evangelical Christianity into public schools: those who are doing it, and those who are affected by it. Stewart writes: “In 2012, when this book was first published, America’s public elementary schools hosted 3,400 Good News Clubs — evangelical clubs that deceive children young as five into thinking that their public school endorses a certain fundamentalist brand of religion. As of this writing,” she wrote in the Preface to the 2017 Edition, "there are close to 6,000." The effects of the religious agenda are wide-ranging since the Religious Right fears that “the subjects of biology and history and more” are part of an effort to indoctrinate kids with a secularist agenda, and their abstinence-only sex education seems based, in Stewart's estimation, on "sectarian ideas about gender roles."

Whereas the Religious Right maintains a narrative that 1960s Supreme Court decisions against school prayer meant that “God was kicked out of the classroom,” Stewart found by traveling the country to research this book that there were many “religion-driven programs and initiatives inserting themselves into public school systems with unprecedented force and unexpected consequences.” Most of these programs are driven by “a very conservative, even fundamentalist” evangelical Christianity. She spoke with activists who are Biblical infallibilists who believe "they are engaged in a daily struggle with Satan. They also believe that most people who call themselves Christian...will not be among the saved.” Many of them also “believe that the United States has a special role to play in preparing for the imminent end of the world.” Child Evangelism Fellowship (CEF) has a creed that people are saved only through faith, not through good behavior. Rich Lang is quoted as calling CEF “a purity cult. It is intentionally exclusive” of those with different religious beliefs. A. Charles Ware, the president of Crossroads Bible College in Indianapolis and a man who is in an interracial marriage, said in a lecture she attended that he wished to redefine “interracial” to use it to disparage relationships between Christians and non-Christians.

Evangelical programs in public schools are harmful not only to people with minority identities but often to the majority of the school population, as the programs sometimes “enter the schools from outside the community together, and are at odds with it from the beginning.” Stewart quoted Jerry Falwell in 1979 as anticipating the day when “we don’t have public schools. The churches will have taken them over again and Christians will be running them.” Perhaps for this reason, Good News Club wants to operate inside the public schools, not in nearby churches. “Liberals tend to take for granted," Stewart writes, "the part of the right-wing narrative that suggests that religious activity in the public schools arises from a grassroots demand for it," but she contends that "it is the handiwork of well-tuned and very well connected conservative Christian legal groups, and is imposed upon rather than demanded by communities.”

One of their outreach tactics is plying small children with sweets. “Because the Good News Club seeks to reach children who in many cases are not old enough to read, a centerpiece of its program is the ‘wordless book,’ a simple picture book intended to convey religious doctrine....The CEF itself makes quite clear that the purpose of these exercises is not to educate, but to convert.” Stewart listened to some of the presentations to six-year-olds and said: “It’s like hearing a comedy routine for a second time...Everything is scripted...This is religion on an industrial scale, streamlined and codified into a tight set of procedures crafted by experts for maximum ease of use by middle-aged volunteers and maximum impact on the six-year-old mind.”

Older children have participated in events like “See You At the Pole” where they gather near a flagpole and nail pieces of paper containing names of non-Christian classmates to a cross. The first such event happened in 1990. Such so-called “peer-to-peer evangelism” enables “adults [to] use children to do what they’re not allowed to do on their own.”

Stewart spoke to one parent who, in 2009, emailed the other parents in his child’s first-grade class on a closed mailing list to let them know — in an "innocuous" manner, he thought— what CEF was and that it was present in the school. One parent challenged him with the question “How is this [Christian] group different from any other group?” while another said “I need to protect my kids from people like you.” The email spread off the list and he began receiving anonymous rants, one of which especially concerned him with its strident tone and its claim that “your school is harassing and persecuting christians”. Other parents also felt afraid and did not want to identify themselves to Stewart for the book because, as one put it: “When you get into these extreme forms of religion, it always brings out the crazies.”

Many supporters of the Religious Right have ordinary concerns about modernity: crime, declining educational standards, incivility, and the rate of technological change. What unites them into a movement is their attribution of social ills to a perceived loss of Christian power in the mainstream culture (as indicated by support for the belief in a nonexistent "War on Christmas," as Stewart mentioned once and as I have described in an article for Medium), and their solution is that others “are the problem because we are of the ‘wrong’ religion.” (Robert P. Jones concluded his 2016 book The End of White Christian America in favor of Christians adopting an attitude that ”accepts the death of White Christian America and encourages evangelicals to participate fully in a pluralistic society, but avoids the temptations toward domination and sectarianism, each of which is driven by nostalgia for a lost Christian America.”) Stewart doesn’t claim that Christian influence is dying. On the contrary, she fears: “We are witnessing the creation of an industrial-scale evangelical conversion machine.” History suggests it “will never succeed in changing the world in quite the way it imagines, but that it may very well change the world in ways that we would not wish to imagine.”

I was reminded of something in Asad Haider’s recent book Mistaken Identity by the following passage in Stewart’s conclusion, specifically her reference to “the language of liberalism":

“One reason why we haven’t seen what is happening right in front of us is that the leaders of the religious assault on public education have learned to cloak their agenda in the language of liberalism and relativism. We are all children of the civil rights era now. We all agree that discrimination is bad. We all want to respect one another’s worldview, and we all cherish the right to freedom of speech. We are so used to the idea that the First Amendment is for liberals, and that it is our bulwark against fascist movements, that we fail to notice when it has been turned around and used as a wedge instead.

The judicial strategists of the Christian Right claim that all they want is ‘equal access’ and ‘toleration.’ But that isn’t in fact all they want. They don’t want equality; they want control. They don’t want toleration; they want the opportunity to practice their intolerance. They don’t want their religion to be included in the schools; they want the schools to be absorbed within their religion.”

As I wrote in my review of Haider’s book, he argues that “the modern liberal state begins with ‘collectivities of people’ and inflicts its power upon them which somehow atomizes them into individual ‘political subjects — the basic political unit of liberalism, after all, is the individual.’ People are taught that they have rights as individuals so they must state that their personal identity has somehow been wronged if they are to get reparations from the state.” That’s how we end up with what we call “identity politics,” whether we like it or not. And, as Stewart implies, it's important to be able to tell the difference between a plea to address religious discrimination and a bid to assume control.

Book

Katherine Stewart. The Good News Club: The Christian Right's Stealth Assault on America's Children. (2017 Kindle edition). Hachette, 2012.

Book cover: The Good News Club

Update: A PRRI report found that, in 2006, white evangelical Protestants were 23% of the U.S. population. In 2020, they were only 14% of the U.S. population."

Update: Katherine Stewart wrote "Christian Nationalism Is One of Trump’s Most Powerful Weapons" for the New York Times in 2022:

   "A decade ago, the radical aims at the ideological core of the Christian nationalist movement were there to see for anybody who looked...[but] most Republican Party leaders at the time distanced themselves from theocratic extremists. They avoided the rhetoric of Seven Mountains dominionism, an ideology that calls explicitly for the domination of the seven “peaks” of modern civilization (including government and education) by Christians of the correct, supposedly biblical variety.

   What a difference a decade makes. National organizations like the Faith & Freedom Coalition and the Ziklag Group, which bring together prominent Republican leaders with donors and religious right activists, feature “Seven Mountains” workshops and panels at their gatherings. Nationalist leaders and their political dependents in the Republican Party now state quite openly what before they whispered to one another over their prayer breakfasts."

See also: Attempting to avoid LGBTQ+ issues, school districts are denying basic sexual health education Superintendents pointed to anti-LGBTQ+ culture wars and fear of repercussions as reasons why kids are not being taught sex-ed, SHELBY RAE WILLS/LOOKOUT, AZ Mirror, MAY 28, 2024

See also: The Religious Right Is Plotting How To Get Christianity Into Schools With Donald Trump’s re-election, reshaping the country’s education system is looking increasingly feasible. Nathalie Baptiste, December 6, 2024

Thursday, December 7, 2017

Is the American soul sick? Differing perspectives in 'The Left Hand of God' and 'Tempting Faith'

Originally blogged on 10 December 2006 for JVoices.com, a site that is going offline. I compared two books on politics and culture published that year, Michael Lerner's The Left Hand of God and David Kuo's Tempting Faith.

The Left Hand of God

God's "left hand" and "right hand," as Lerner defines them in his book The Left Hand of God, describe worldviews based on generosity and compassion (on the Left) and on competition and vengeance (on the Right). These two worldviews help explain the differences in politics and in religion associated with the Left and Right.

Lerner, a rabbi with Ph.Ds in philosophy and psychology who edits Tikkun Magazine, writes:

“...although the right may talk about love or invoke God, what they have in mind is the Right Hand of God. The Right Hand of God is the hand of power and domination, the vision of God in which love is presented as consistent with celebrating the pain inflicted on those who are perceived as evil. ... It’s this vision of a muscular religion, backed by a God of power, that ensures that no one will ever call them naïve, because in their actual politics they are not siding with the powerless but cheerleading for the powerful." (pp. 20-21)

The voices of fear and hope, the Right Hand and the Left Hand of God, “tend to operate below the surface of consciousness, [and] people often are not fully aware of which voice they are responding to at any given moment. Often they act in ways that seem on the surface contradictory... (p. 51) He explains that right-wing religious institutions manage to preach love while encouraging their followers to “align with a harsh, militaristic, and self-interested politics that is based on the (unstated) assumption that all that “love, kindness, and generosity" talk has no real world application outside of that church or religious institution." (p. 110)

I would quibble with Lerner on some points. First, the metaphor of God having two hands seems to imply that these two worldviews are different sides of the same coin and that they balance each other out, yet Lerner favors the Left and doesn’t advocate anyone running to the ship’s other deck, thereby creating a visual image of a one-handed god. Second, while solidly in favor of a woman’s right to have an abortion, he implies that the only truly spiritual emotional response to abortion is grief. Telling people how to feel generally does not work, and giving people permission to broach a taboo while encouraging them to feel guilty about it is, ironically, a classic Right Hand of God technique to gain power over them. Third, Lerner suggests that the question of same-sex marriage be solved by having the government refer only to “unions" while leaving the word “marriage" for religious institutions. He needs to consider how the ordinary inquiry “Are you married?" would translate into the invasive question “Are you religious?" Only the most determined atheists would delight in providing a negative answer, while millions of others in interfaith, spiritual-but-not-religious partnerships might feel “married" even though no clergyperson pronounced them so. But these opinions, which are slight missteps in my view, do not greatly mar the book, as Lerner does not claim to have all the right answers to these questions. He prefers to focus on the larger picture of a philosophy motivated by compassion, and this he achieves well. While acknowledging that people have shown meanness since time immemorial, he critiques the influence of a godless capitalism that has helped promote the anti-ethic of a “rip-off consciousness" — the idea that it is normal and acceptable to cheat one’s employees, customers, and government — leading to an all-encompassing “cynical realist" approach to life that replaces idealist, hopeful, generous intentions. Lerner believes that mixing spiritual values with left-leaning politics has the potential to bring about an ethical revival in the United States.

Tempting Faith

David Kuo’s Tempting Faith: An Inside Story of Political Seduction makes an interesting companion read because Kuo, like Lerner, diagnoses the political Right as being more interested in its own power than in healing the world. However, he speaks as a conservative political insider rather than as a progressive critic. Kuo was President Bush’s former Special Assistant and former director of the Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives. Disenchanted after the faith-based charity initiative he helped to launch was stripped of most of its funding (he was promised he would be able to offer $8 billion in grants to faith-based charities, but ultimately only $30 million became available and it was controlled by another department [p. 211]) and applied in a discriminatory fashion (non-Christian groups were dropped from the application piles in at least one instance [p.215]), Republican speechwriter and politician David Kuo decided to reveal these inside power struggles.

As Kuo puts it, “Christian leaders are supposed to be putting Jesus above and before all things, enabling them to recognize and resist this seductive [political] power. Instead, it looks like they believe a political agenda is the most important thing." (p. xiii) If that is so, what drew him to the Republicans? “It is easy to say that I became a Republican because I went through a religious conversion, felt guilty about an abortion, or just needed a job. Those things are all true," he admits. “But if the Democratic Party had displayed a similar interest in addressing these cultural problems, I would have run to them. Instead, they embodied a hostility toward these issues and toward Christian involvement in the political world that was increasingly known as the last acceptable form of bigotry." (p. 52)

He gives some practical advice to those spiritually-inclined Leftists who would like to begin dialogue with spiritually-inclined Rightists: be curious about right-wing, right-hand-of-God celebrities and cultural influences. Demonstrating awareness of their existence is a form of respect. Ignorance harms well-intentioned diplomacy, as demonstrated by this blunder:

“They [Democratic aides for Senate Minority Leader Harry Reid] asked me who to talk to. I started giving them names–like Tony Perkins at the Family Research Council. 'Who?' 'What’s that?' I mentioned the support for environmentalism at the National Association of Evangelicals and again they said, 'What’s that?' ... That Terry McAuliffe [leader of the Democratic National Committee’s faith-based outreach] didn’t even know the author of The Purpose Driven Life showed a staggering ignorance. Was it any wonder evangelicals preferred hanging out with Republicans?" (p. 256)

Lerner and Kuo arrive at different conclusions. Kuo recommends that Christians take a two-year “fast" from national political campaigns (from the 2006 publication of his book until the 2008 presidential election) to reconnect with their faith and values on a more personal level. (Kuo, newly diagnosed with a brain tumor, retired from the White House and became a fisherman, so that helps explain why he perceived the contemporary moment as a convenient and necessary time to take a break.) Lerner, by contrast, begins by asserting that “there is a real spiritual crisis in American society" that needs to be addressed (p. 14) and recommends that readers join his Network of Spiritual Progressives to begin infusing spiritual values into politics immediately; he does not suggest there is any greater insight to be gained by waiting. By contrast, Kuo says he once thought America had a spiritual crisis and that it was his job in the White House faith-based charity office to help fix it, but, after seeing the spontaneous outpouring of spiritual activity immediately following the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, he concluded that “[t]he American soul wasn’t sick." (p. 188)

Books

Michael Lerner. The Left Hand of God: Taking Back Our Country from the Religious Right. HarperSanFrancisco, 2006.

David Kuo. Tempting Faith: An Inside Story of Political Seduction. New York: Free Press, 2006.

Monday, September 8, 2014

'God Is Not One': A book on acknowledging religious differences

Religions are different. They have different aims and fill different needs. It is respectful to acknowledge this, rather than to pretend otherwise, says Stephen Prothero. Originally posted to Helium Network on May 7, 2010.

"No one argues that different economic systems or political regimes are one and the same," Stephen Prothero says in the opening to his 2010 book God is Not One: The Eight Rival Religions that Run the World - and Why Their Differences Matter. "Yet scholars continue to claim that religious rivals such as Hinduism and Islam, Judaism and Christianity are, by some miracle of the imagination, essentially the same..." Writing in response to a philosophy embraced by academia after Huston Smith's 1958 book "The World's Religions", Prothero aims to explain, to the contrary, why religious differences are significant and important.

Prothero says he teaches his students to use a four-part analytical framework: each religion identifies a problem in the human condition, proposes a solution, provides a technique for achieving that solution and points to exemplars or role models. In Christianity, for example, the problem is sin, and the solution is salvation. Judaism's central lament is exile, Buddhism is concerned with suffering, and so forth. This framework emphasizes differences between religions.

Those who side with Huston Smith often brush aside differences in creeds and sacraments as minor and inessential, while alleging that some other characteristic unifies all religions. Prothero says this claim stems from "naive theological groupthink - call it Godthink" and "ignorance" with the dangerous consequence that humans will never recognize or understand religious conflict. It may also be the mere hope for a united religion, expressed by people who "are not describing the world but reimagining it." In fact, the differences between religions are quite significant. A Confucian knows she is not a Catholic, and so should anyone who spends five minutes talking to her; it is actually disrespectful, says Prothero, to suggest otherwise.

When we rigorously study religions with the intent of observing their differences, might we run the risk of concluding that one is better than all the others? Well, yes - but only in the sense that each is devoted to its own unique focal point. Prothero makes an athletic analogy:
"Different sports have different goals: basketball players shoot baskets; tennis players win points; golfers sink puts. So if you ask which sport is best at scoring runs, you have privileged baseball from the start."
To observe that Christianity is the best at addressing sin and salvation, then, is not to disparage the religions that are concerned with other philosophical problems entirely. This specialization also occurs in more pragmatic areas:
"If you want to help the homeless, you will likely find the Christian Social Gospel more useful than Hindu notions of caste. If you want to find techniques for quieting the mind through bodily exercises, you will likely find Hindu yogis more useful than Christian saints."
Acknowledging one religion as superior in this limited, focused way does not lead directly to bigotry. To the contrary, observing and understanding our differences is the first step to tolerating and respecting each other. This is true not only of interreligious relations but of interracial relations and of human partnership in general. "Who," he asks,
"is so naive as to imagine that the success of a relationship depends on the partners being essentially the same? Isn't it the differences that make things interesting? What is required in any relationship is knowing who the other person really is. And this requirement is only frustrated by the naive hope that somehow you and your partner are magically the same."
Expressed so simply, this seems uncontroversial and has a memorable charm.

Image by Vaikunda Raja. © Creative Commons. Hosted by Wikimedia Commons.

At a book talk in Boston on April 27, 2010 - the day after he gave an "On Point" radio interview with Tom Ashbrook - an audience member spoke out of turn and asked the author, "Are you a relativist?" Prothero answered quickly, "I'm not a relativist and I think the book is profoundly anti-relativist." Neither one of them defined what they meant by "relativism." Given his disavowal of that mysterious philosophy, it may be surprising that, throughout his exposition of the world's religions, Prothero seems to betray admiration for philosophies that would be best described as relativist: Confucian virtue ethics interpreted as art rather than science; the Buddhist belief that a teaching's truth is determined by its usefulness and that all is empty, even the self; the Zen intuitive approach to nonduality and satori; the Jewish tradition of arguing without assuming that one possesses the truth; and the work of mystic Sufi poets such as Rumi, who referred to a place "beyond ideas of wrongdoing and rightdoing".

The meat of the book is in the lively illustrations of the world's major religions, and through these portraits, Prothero succeeds in making his point: God, or at least Religion, is not one.

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